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"This
is the Time... and
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This
is the Record,
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of
the Time..."
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-
Laurie Anderson
Big
Science |
* DOWNLOAD THE SET
WRITTEN
STATEMENTS
PANELIST STATEMENTS
REPRESENTATIVE
STATEMENTS
LETTERS
28 Members of Congress
asked for details in this
Reps Conyers' and Scott's
re FBI mishandling
Brandon Mayfield
Case
18 Members of
Congress
asked the President
to Appoint Special Counsel
in this
Senate Majority Leader
Bill Frist threatens
to restructure the
Senate Intelligence
Oversight Committee
to avoid investigating in this
SENATE
STATEMENTS
AND
TESTIMONY
On February 28, 2006
Professor Harold H. Koh
Yale Law, gave this
CONGRESSIONAL
RESEARCH SERVICE
PAPERS
Elizabeth B. Bazan
and
Jennifer K. Elsea
January 5, 2006
Alfred Cummings
January 18, 2006
RELATED
ACTIONS
LAWSUITS
FOIA
ISSUES BRIEFINGS
ACLU
RELEVANT
US SUPREME COURT
POLICY STATEMENTS
American Bar
Association:
ABA's Roster,
Recommendations,
and Report adopted as
ABA
Policy, and sent with that letter
PUBLIC INTEREST LAW
Open
Society Institute:
local:
Morton H. Halperin
original: here
Center for
National
Security Studies
local:
Kate Martin and
Brittany Benowitz
original: here
CNSS
(Mirror/Snapshot)
(CNSS Site)
New York Review
of
Books
local:
Constitutional
Scholars
original: here
American
Bar Association
local:
Editorial Opinion Op-Ed:
Michael S. Greco
original: here
David
C. Manchester
article:
BIG
BROTHER
IS WATCHING YOU:
includes
TIA LIVES original: here
article:
BIG
BROTHER
IS WATCHING YOU PART 2
includes
PENDING
INVESTIGATIONS: NONE
MILITARY
INTELLIGENCE INFILTRATION
OF PEACEFUL GROUPS
The Senate has no current plans
to fully investigate.
The House has no
current plans to fully
investigate. |
MILITARY
INTELLIGENCE ARDA CONTINUANCE OF FUNDING FOR TIA WARRANTLESS DATA MINING
The Senate has no current plans
to fully investigate.
The House has no
current plans to fully
investigate. |
DOCUMENT
SUMMARY
Hold Them Responsible.
This is an election year.
Who
paid to elect Your
Member of Congress?
Find
out at
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Wikipedia:
FindLaw
News Document Archive
Cryptome
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EFF
EPIC
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STATEMENTS,
TRANSCRIPT,
AND
DOCUMENTS
OF RELATED ACTIONS
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"A
state of war is not a blank check for the President when it comes to
the rights of the Nation’s citizens.”
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Justice Sandra Day O’Connor
United States Supreme Court
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On
December 16 2005
the New York Times (NYT) broke the
story by Reporters James Risen and
Erick Lichtblau that the President of the United States, in
secret,
ordered the National Security Agency (NSA) to spy on Americans a few
months after the September 11 2001 attacks, without court
approved
warrants as required under Federal Law, Although the NYT
had known
about the story for a year, they did not publish it until December 2005.
As Congressional demands for more information about this warrantless
domestic surveillance campaign grew, the Bush Administration remained
steadfast in their assertions that all laws had been obeyed despite the
end-run around the special secret Federal Court designed to handle such
cases under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), which is
empowered to approve domestic surveillance after the fact.
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"...so
indiscriminate and sweeping a scheme of domestic intrusion into the
private communications of American citizens, predicated entirely on the
unchecked judgment of the Executive Branch, violates the Fourth
Amendment 'right of the people to be secure . . . against unreasonable
searches and seizures' even if it otherwise represents an exercise of
constitutional power entrusted to the President by Article II or
delegated to the President by Congress in exercising its powers under
Article I...
...the argument goes... Invasion of that citizen’s privacy was, alas,
but one of war’s sad side effects — a species of collateral damage.
The technical legal term for that, I
believe, is poppycock. ”
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Laurence H. Tribe
Professor of Constitutional Law
Harvard University
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When
confronted with questions about his secret warrrantless domestic
surveillance program, President Bush further asserted
that he did not need FISA approval, and remained unwilling to provide
timely information to the Congressional Committees charged with
oversight. Instead the administration claimed the executive
branch
obligation to provide information to the full House and Senate
Permanent Committees on Intelligence, as required by law, was fulfilled
by their current practice of briefing only a select few members of
those committees, under a set of executive - branch designed ground
rules
that allowed those receiving the briefings to ask no questions, and
prohibited them from discussing it afterwards, even with other members
of their respective oversight committees.
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"...it is not
simply a claim that the President has the sole power to decide which
laws to violate and when to go outside the judicial power, but that he
has the power to do so in secret.
...until the New
York Times reviewed this program, he withheld the fact from the
American people that his view was that FISA did not limit his
powers. He secretly believed that he had broader authority than
was laid out in the public statutes, but he withheld and misled the
American people about that view of his own powers...
...examine what
kind of misleading statements, if not deception, were put before the
Congress in connection with this”
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Kate Martin
Director
Center for National Security Studies
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To the Bush
administration the Authorisation
for the Use of Military Force (AUMF)
passed by Congress is taken to be a Declaration of
War under the Constitution, while many members of Congress do not
agree, and contend that there has been no such formal declaration, and
that AUMF was never intended to give the President
such sweeping power
to pick and choose which laws they would obey. To them, the
current
President appears to just be doing whatever he wants regardless of the
roles of the Congress or the Judiciary branches of American government.
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"...when Congress
enacted the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act in 1978, it expressly
rejected the President’s claim of inherent authority to conduct
warrantless wiretaps.
It then went further and made it a crime to conduct such wiretaps.
The President has acted contrary to the express will of the Congress.
The Supreme Court has never approved a claim of presidential authority
to authorize acts outlawed by the Congress.”
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Kate Martin
Director
Center for National Security Studies
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Frustrated by the
stonewalling of vital intelligence information they
need to do their jobs under the law, Congressmen Conyers, Scott, and
Van Hollen hosted a public Congressional Briefing on the matter in an
effort to begin to fulfill their oversight obligations under the law to
provide a check on unbounded executive branch power.
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"...under
his interpretation ... he could suspend the writ of habeas corpus, ...
saying: This authorization enabled me to do anything in furtherance of
the war effort. I can suspend the writ of habeas corpus unilaterally
even though Congress hasn't ...
He could authorize breaking and entering of homes in order to secure
intelligence to fight the war against terrorism, despite the fact that
there is an authorized procedure in an amendment to FISA that governs
physical searches...
...the principle that the President has established here, if gone
unchecked, will, as Justice Robert Jackson said, lie around like a
loaded gun and be utilized by any future incumbent who claims a need.
And the history of power teaches us one thing, that if it's unchecked,
it will be abused.”
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Bruce Fein
Deputy Assistant Attorney General
Reagan Administration
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In the briefing
held 20 January 2006 by the Democratic members of the House Judiciary
Committee, the warrantless wiretapping and data-mining of
telecommunications company and internet provider databases by the NSA,
and elements of Military Intelligence domestic civil infiltration
operations were discussed. A number of participants made statements,
and those statements and other documents were made available in pdf
format at the above link. Then, on 31 January, the Electronic
Frontier Foundation filed a class action suit against
AT&T/SBC and others yet unnamed in this matter, and released this complaint in pdf format .
Three days prior to this
Briefing, the ACLU
filed a complaint against
the NSA Central Security Services and Lieutenant General Keith B.
Alexander in the US District Court, Eastern Michigan District, Southern
District in this matter, releasing their
complaint in pdf format.
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"...agents
of the 902nd Military Intelligence Group from Fort Meade, MD ...
infiltrated the Quaker Meeting House, and then filed a report
designating us a CREDIBLE THREAT.
The president’s agents DID NOT come to worship alongside us, to help us
plan our educational program, or to protect us.
"And it
wasn’t just us. Shortly after NBC aired its report, churches and other
groups began sharing their experiences of infiltration and intimidation
with us.
Saint Maurice’s Catholic Church in Dania, the Unitarian Universalists,
the Fort Lauderdale Friends, members of Pax Christi in West Palm Beach,
environmental groups, and many others.
"Agents rummaged through trash, attacked and snooped into email, hacked
web sites, and listened in on phone conversations ... address books and
activist meeting lists have disappeared.”
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Richard Hersh
The Truth Project, Inc.
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A week before the House
Judiciary Democratic Members held this Briefing, on 13 February 2006
the American Bar
Association adopted as policy a set of recommendations
made by the ABA
Task Force on Domestic Surveillance created
by ABA President Michael S. Greco January 10 to respond to revelations
about NSA domestic
surveillance. These
were sent with a letter the President,
and both are available here in html form.
This came alongside the
release of an ABA - sponsored
Harris Poll
showing 77 percent of Americans expressed "deep reservations"
about President Bush's secret surveillance program, and agreeing that
the President alone can not lawfully suspend Constitutionally
guaranteed freedoms without authorisation from Congress or the Courts.
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"Congress
must conduct hearings to determine exactly what is being done ...
Then it should determine what needs to be done to insure that, in the
future, Presidents obey the law.”
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Morton H. Halperin
Director of US Advocacy, Open Society Institute,
Senior Fellow, Center for American Progress
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The ABA Task Force Roster
includes former
FBI Director William S. Sessions; former CIA and NSA General Counsel
Elizabeth Rindskopf Parker; former Assistant Secretary of State Harold
Hongju Koh; former Assistant CIA General Counsel and Deputy Staff
Directory and General Counsel for the Senate Select Committee on
Intelligence Suzanne E. Spaulding; former Legal Counsel for the World
Bank's International Finance Corporation James R. Silkenat; former
Deputy Assistant Attorney General and Associate Independent Counsel for
the Iran-Contra Investigation Stephen A. Saltzburg; former Senior Legal
Officer for WIPO's (World Intellectual Property Organisation)
Arbitration and Mediation Center Deborah Enix-Ross; Mark D. Agrast,
Senior Fellow of the Center for American Progress overseeing
Constitutional and Rule of Law programs; former Assistant US Attorney
Neal R. Sonnet, who served as Chief of the Criminal Division for the
Southern District of Florida; and Alan J. Rothstein, General Counsel to
the New York City Bar Association. The detailed Roster is
available at http://www.abanet.org/op/domsurv.html.
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"In
each case the president’s answer has been the same ... Courts and
Congress have little or no place to question his decisions.
...it is nonetheless a dangerous path for our nation.
Our laws provide ample tools for fighting terrorism without eroding
basic liberties.
No one, not even a wartime president, is above the law”
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Michael S. Greco
President, American Bar Association
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On December 20, four days after the initial NY Times story, Kate
Martin and Brittany Benowitz of the Center for National Security
Studies published an analysis of just how the Bush -
ordered sweeping warrantless NSA data - mining and wiretapping
operation violated the law. "When Congress authorized secret
wiretaps for national security purposes in 1978," wrote Martin and
Benowitz, "it intended to prevent any future President from carrying
out warrantless eavesdropping on Americans." In it's formulation
of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) statute, they
wrote, Congress "made its intention clear in five different sections."
On January 6, Morton H. Halperin, the Director of US Advocacy for
the George Soros - sponsored Open Society Institute, and Senior Fellow
at the Center for American Progress, wrote a more detailed legal
analysis of the administration's justifications for the warrantless
wholesale domestic surveillance program.
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"...as
a citizen, I have heard today that the President has obviously broken
the law, ... he has admitted that he's broken the law, and if you
read the oath of office, he's not upheld the Constitution of the United
States.
I think it's time for us to act.”
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Richard Hersh
The Truth Project, Inc.
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Where the Martin and Benowitz memorandum concentrated on the ways the
President had broken the FISA law, and the provisions of Federal
Law permitting the President to institute domestic wiretaps for
national security reasons which FISA replaced (Pub. L. No. 90-351, 82
Stat. 212 (codified as amended at 18 U.S.C. §§ 2510-2520
(1968))). and restricted it's discussion of specific litigation to the Keith case (United States v. United
States District Court [Keith], 407 U.S. 297, 303 (1972)1); the Halperin paper
went further into case law in it's analysis of the administration
claimed pretense of legality.
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"Without
commenting in any way on press reports, let me assure you that AT&T
abides by all applicable laws, regulations and statutes in its
operations and, in particular, with respect to requests for assistance
from governmental authorities.”
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Wayne Watts
Senior Vice President and General Counsel,
AT&T
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After effectively demolishing Bush administration arguments as to the
legality of warrantless NSA domestic wiretaps and data - mining,
Halperin concludes, "Congress must conduct hearings to determine
exactly what is being done in the new NSA program and why the
administration concluded that it could not use FISA. Then it should
determine what needs to be done to insure that, in the future,
Presidents obey the law.."
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"I
thought Congress passed safeguards against indiscriminate domestic
spying after the gross violations of citizens' rights during the Civil
Rights Movement and Vietnam peace activism.
But here we are again.”
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Richard Hersh
The Truth Project, Inc.
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On February 24, eighteen
Members of Congress, unsatisfied with Attorney General Gonzales'
evasive and unresponsive testimony to date, wrote another letter to President Bush
and once again requested that the Justice Department follow the law and
it's own rules, and appoint a Special Counsel to investigate
warrantless NSA surveillance of US Persons. In this letter they
wrote,
...Unfortunately,
Mr. Gonzales' recent testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee
did little to answer our questions or dispel our concerns. Rather, the
Attorney General's opaque testimony simply left us with even more
questions about this program. Mr. Gonzales repeatedly refused to
discuss what he called the "operational details" of this program,
refusing to inform the Committee of such “operational details" as
whether the Department discloses to the FISA court its use of
information garnered from this program in obtaining warrants from the
court - in other words, whether the Department was pursuing
prosecutions based on evidence gathered in possible violation of FISA
and the 4th Amendment. Press reports indicate that, in
fact, evidence
gathered under this program may have been used improperly to obtain
warrants from the FISA court.12
Mr. Gonzales refused to provide
“operational details " such as whether the Administration has conducted
warrantless physical searches of Americans in reliance on the authority
it claims under the AUMF.
Mr. Gonzales gave no explanation for the
president's decision to limit this program (assuming it is in fact so
limited) to international calls, vaguely citing the “circumstances" in
which the Administration found itself as the basis for this decision.
He also failed to confirm that he was “fully, totally informed" about
the program, and could not provide assurances that Americans
unconnected to Al Qaeda were not being spied upon. He failed to provide
assurances that purely domestic calls were never captured by this
program. He refused to commit to the program's review by the FISA
court. He declined to answer when asked what other activities you have
authorized relying upon the power as Commander-in-Chief used to
authorize this surveillance program. The Attorney General offered
contradictory testimony on whether surveillance conducted under this
program would meet the 4th Amendment’s probable cause
standard. The
Attorney General's testimony raised serious questions that previous
Congressional testimony by Department officials about the
Administration’s surveillance programs was misleading. Far from
providing additional information to Congress, the Attorney General's
testimony simply created more serious questions about the legality and
constitutionality of the activities you authorized.
At every juncture, our efforts to seek
investigations to answer questions such as these have been stymied,
generally based on the feeblest of excuses. More than a month ago,
several members of Congress wrote to the Inspector Generals of the
Department of Defense and the Department of Justice asking them to
begin investigating these reports.13 The Department of
Justice's
Inspector General, Mr. Glenn Fine, responded that he lacked
jurisdiction to begin an investigation because the matter involved the
Attorney General's provision of “legal advice."14
The same members
wrote back to Mr. Fine, explaining that the official actions for which
they sought investigation appeared to go far beyond the mere provision
of legal advice, and that he lacked any basis to conclude otherwise in
the absence of an investigation. Yet, despite that response, Mr. Fine
has steadfastly refused to investigate. The office within the
Department of Justice to which he referred our request for
investigation failed to respond to our request. Although recent
press
reports indicate that this office has begun a review, the Department
has also made clear that this review will not examine the lawfulness of
any Justice Department officials' actions under this program. 15 |
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December
18, 2005,
To the Senate & House Intelligence Committees:
"Dear Chairman Roberts,
Under the provisions of the Intelligence Community Whistleblower
Protection Act (ICWPA), I intend to report to Congress probable
unlawful and unconstitutional acts conducted while I was an
intelligence officer with the National Security Agency (NSA) and with
the Defense Intelligence Agency ( DIA). These acts involve the
Director of the National Security Agency, the Deputies Chief of Staff
for Air and Space Operations, and the U.S. Secretary of Defense.
These probable unlawful and unconstitutional acts were conducted via
very highly sensitive intelligence programs and operations known as
Special Access Programs (SAP)s. I was a technical intelligence
specialist dealing almost exclusively with SAP programs and operations
at both NSA and DIA.
Due to the highly sensitive nature of these programs and operations, I
will require assurances from your committee that the staffers and/or
congressional members to participate retain the proper security
clearances, and also have the appropriate SAP cleared facilities
available for these discussions.
Please inform me when you require my appearance on Capitol Hill to
conduct these discussions in relation to this ICWPA report.
Very Respectfully,
Russell D. Tice”
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ON THE SENATE SIDE -
ACTIONS AND EVASIONS
(Check
Wikipedia
for a more comprehensive report)
It seems that without a
majority working bipartisan coalition in either house any effort for a
full investigation of warrantless NSA surveillance is likely doomed
until after the November 2006 elections, when Democrats have an
increasingly good chance to regain majorities.
From Senate Intelligence
Committee Co-Chairman John D. Rockefeller, IV's January
25 press statement ( http://rockefeller.senate.gov/news/2006/pr012506.html)
"On
December 19, 2006, a bipartisan group of Senate Intelligence Committee
members, Chuck Hagel (R-NE), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), Carl Levin (D-MI),
Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) and Ron Wyden (D-OR) urged Chairman Roberts and
Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman, Arlen Specter (R-PA), to
immediately and jointly review allegations and concerns related to the
NSA program. Separately, on the same day, another member of
the committee, Senator Barbara Mikulski (D-MD), also wrote to Chairman
Roberts urging hearings on the program ."
"Senator John D. (Jay) Rockefeller IV (D-WV), the Vice Chairman of the
Senate Intelligence Committee, personally wrote to Chairman Roberts on
January 10, 2006, calling for aggressive oversight of the program. In
addition to examining the legal justification for and operational
details of the program, Rockefeller urged the committee to hold
hearings and examine the following: What are the legal justifications
for the program; what electronic communications were intercepted; how
is the information collected being minimized and used; and how is the
information retained. ( January
10 letter attached)"
Then on January 24, 2006,
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